Iran International
During his June 2024 election campaign and his first six months in office, Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian positioned himself as the "good cop" in the country's familiar good cop/bad cop dynamic between reformists and hardliners.
He embraced this role both domestically—advocating for civil rights, gender equality, and press freedom—and in foreign policy, where he emphasized maintaining good relations with all countries and resolving Iran’s nuclear dispute with the West as a path to economic recovery.
However, on February 7, Pezeshkian abruptly shifted from a pragmatic politician to a staunch hardliner with strong ideological overtones following a routine anti-US and anti-negotiation speech by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Just weeks later, in an uncharacteristically heated tone, he went so far as to declare that he had no desire to engage with US President Donald Trump.
Whether Pezeshkian's "good cop" role was genuine or not, it may have served Khamenei’s interests at a time when he faced pressure to engage with the Trump administration. However, as Pezeshkian loses credibility among Reformists, hardliners remain hesitant to fully embrace him. His occasional expressions of regret—admitting shame over unfulfilled promises in domestic politics—have only deepened his political isolation.
The Supreme Leader has found a new "good cop" in Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, who was permitted to propose indirect negotiations with the United States in Muscat—despite Khamenei’s firm rejection of talks with Trump.
Recently, an Iranian commentator abroad half-jokingly categorized Iranian politicians into three groups based on their stance on nuclear negotiations with the United States. The first group consists of hardliners, led by ultraconservative Saeed Jalili, who oppose talks. The second includes moderates from centrist parties, such as former President Hassan Rouhani, who advocate for negotiations. The third group, he said, is led by President Pezeshkian—who, regardless of his stance, has no real influence over the nuclear issue.
Pezeshkian appears to lack clear solutions on other pressing issues as well. Addressing Iran’s soaring prices, he recently admitted, "I have no idea whom to blame for the uncontrolled rising prices." His remark drew sharp criticism on social media, where many reminded him that, as president, he is ultimately responsible for the government's handling of the crisis.
The Khabar Online website reported Friday that Pezeshkian has failed to deliver on four key promises, along with nearly all his other commitments. The report highlighted public dissatisfaction over continued social media censorship and his unresolved negotiations with hardliners on the strict compulsory hijab law. While enforcement has been temporarily suspended, the government has neither scrapped the bill nor convinced hardliners to stop harassing women and politicians.
The website also pointed to two major economic issues affecting Iranians' livelihoods that Pezeshkian has failed to address. He has been unable to persuade the Expediency Council to approve the FATF protocols, which could ease barriers to international trade and banking. More importantly, his promise to lift sanctions—seen as key to reviving the economy—remains unfulfilled. Now, he is not even willing to discuss the issue with the US, declaring, "Do whatever the hell you can do. I am not going to talk with you."
His critics—including ultraconservative Paydari Party members determined to unseat him, the so-called neocons aligned with Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, and hardline zealots who attack him at every turn for not enforcing strict Islamic hijab rules—are relentless in their pressure.
Pezeshkian’s vice president for legal affairs, Majid Ansari, blamed Paydari for the challenges the president is facing. "They have not shut down their campaigns and are still working to tarnish Pezeshkian's image," he told the media last week.
Pezeshkian is no longer the "good cop," yet no one sees him as the "bad cop" either. As one commentator put it on a Persian TV, perhaps he is no cop at all. Still, some Iranians believe in his good intentions. Despite his limited social backing, like the protagonist in the 1950s classic cartoon Deputy Dawg, he may have "a badge of tin," but he certainly has "a heart of gold."
